Tuesday, February 9, 2016

Feb 9: the 99th Anniversary of the Anti-War Edition of The New York Call


Here is an excerpt from my book on Dorothy Day's months at The New York Call:

Throughout 1916 the prospect of joining the war against Germany was not popular with Americans, as can be gathered from by the success of Wilson’s slogan. The 20,000,000 casualties, the fields of corpses and leveled villages astonished and sickened the public who, for the first time, were seeing the carnage on the newsreels at their local motion picture theater. At least 15% of the population was German or of German origin, and most of the Irish had no desire to fight for Britain, which had so ruthlessly crushed the Easter Rebellion. Yet, by December, despite the repugnance to war on the part of many Americans, Wilson was urging Congress for a law that would suppress domestic opposition to the war,  another to require compulsory military service for all men and yet another forbidding strikes against munitions companies (labelled the “slave” law by The Call).

Additionally, Wilson created a public relations department within the White House to popularize the war, demonize the Germans and define “patriotism.” The director was a well-known, seasoned journalist, George Creel, who had written for The Masses and other radical publications.
 On the copy desk of The Call there was a guy named Norman Watson, a pretty good writer. At intervals when there was nothing to do, we would discuss theoretical matters of socialism and I thought he was very intelligent and very well aware of socialism and one night, we worked at night, he said you know Mike I want to ask your advice. I said go ahead. He said “I have a letter here. I’ve just been offered a good job by George Creel.” The government had formed a staff of ex-radicals for the purpose of propaganda to win over the intellectuals and trade unionists to the war. See, they had to pump it up all the time. So Norman Watson had gotten the offer, I forget what they paid, but they paid well, and he said “Should I take it? It would be a turning point in my life.” I was always a little too easy and I helped him off the hook by saying, “Well, no one can advise you. It is your own life…You have your own conscience. You must be honest with yourself.” Sure enough the next week he was on the staff of George Creel. (Mike Gold Papers)
George Creel and Norman Watson openly turned on their friends. Others did it more covertly:
At this time I knew very intimately a young man who was subsequently accused of being a government spy in the socialist movement and I later puzzled myself vainly trying to decide in my own mind, on psychological evidence gained from a hundred intimate talks, whether that young man could ever have become a spy. It was a strange world in which we lived, one in which almost anything is possible and one learned to talk in a friendly way to enthusiastic radicals while keeping well in mind that they might be agents of the Department of Justice, as some of them certainly were. (Floyd Dell, Homecoming)
Having seen the war up close, John Reed took up his forceful pen to keeping his country out of it:
I know what war means. I have been with the armies of all the belligerents except one, and I have seen men die, and go mad, and lie in hospitals suffering hell; but there is a worse thing than that. War means an ugly mob-madness, crucifying the truth-tellers, choking the artists, side-tracking reforms, revolutions and the working of social forces. Already in America those citizens who oppose the entrance of their country into the European melee are called "traitors," and those who protest against the curtailing of our meager rights of free speech are spoken of as "dangerous lunatics."
Whose war is this? Not mine. I know that hundreds of thousands of American workingmen employed by our great financial "patriots" are not paid a living wage. I have seen poor men sent to jail for long terms without trial, and even without any charge. Peaceful strikers, and their wives and children, have been shot to death, by private detectives and militiamen. The rich have steadily become richer, and the cost of living higher, and the workers proportionally poorer. These toilers don't want war - not even civil war. But the speculators, the employers, the plutocracy and with lies and sophistries they will whip up our blood until we are savage and then we'll fight and die for them.  (Reed, John, “Whose War?,” The New York Call, March 18, 1917)
For anyone objecting to the war, the mood on the street grew ugly:
I was intensely aware of the war now and of the danger that America would be engulfed by it, like all of Europe. I remember walking down Fifth Avenue with Maury Becker , my old, old artist friend and he pointed up to the many flags that were flying then and said something like, “Gee so damn many flags now-a-days.” Some old, very well-dressed lady suddenly darted into our vision. She grabbed Maurice by the throat and said, “How dare you.” And, he said “How dare I what?” He was stunned. So was I. She said how dare you insult our flag and she brought out a little foolish whistle and started tooting on it for a cop to come and beat our brains in and then arrest us…That was the beginning, you might say, of the grand hysteria that choked the nation for many years and demoralized all thought and all decent aspiration.
That was some of the atmosphere of the time. People were scared, the youth was scared of the war and the oppression that was going on. (Mike Gold Papers)
And uglier: “The use of thugs in that war was very marked. At all our meetings we had problems. Thugs would come up. It was tough. Lots of beating up. They came into The Call once. They smashed up the typewriters, the desks and everything.” (Mike Gold Papers) [Dorothy was present, as I point out in the book.]


Once war was declared, the mood became even more intimidating. In an article in The Masses of July, 1917, John Reed quotes an endorsement of lynching in the Wall Street Journal: “We are now at war, and militant pacifists are earnestly reminded that there is no shortage of hemp or lamp-posts.”
The Socialists claimed the great mass of people were peace-loving and capable of rationally resolving differences if not betrayed by small groups with special interests. Following the break in diplomatic relations with Germany, they held a national conference and issued a proclamation which appeared on the front pages of both the daily The Call of February 9, 1917 and the Anti-War Edition, stating:
  • The President is forcing us into war by executive decree.
  • Wars between nations are a reversion to brutal barbarism.
  • Germany’s policy of unrestricted submarine warfare in the war zone is ruthless but so is modern war.  
  • Any losses due to German submarines could easily be avoided by forbidding American ships to enter the war zone. The only reason this simple step had not been taken, they held, was that American companies “have been making huge profits by manufacturing instruments of death.”
  • “The workers of the United States have no reason and no desire to shed their blood for the protection and furtherance of the unholy profits of their masters and will not permit a lying and venal press to stampede them into taking up arms to murder their brothers in Europe.”

The Socialist proclamation entreated the workers of America to awake:
Gather the masses in meetings and demonstrations. Speak in unmistakable terms. Let your determined protest resound from one end of the country to the other!
Send telegrams or letters to President Wilson, to the United States senators and congressmen. Demand the American citizens and American ships be forbidden to enter the war zone, except at their own risk. Insist that the nation shall not be plunged into war for the benefit of plundering capitalists.


A competing version of the proclamation, the minority report, drafted by Trotsky and others, received 42% of the votes at the conference. For Trotsky and his ilk, actions such as gathering the masses, speaking in unmistakable terms and sending telegrams reflected weakness and a bourgeois spirit. They insisted on a “war against war” in the form of continuous mass actions: compelling workers not to enlist, physical resistance to compulsory military service, strikes against the munitions industry, even sabotage. In a word: revolution.

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